UP IN THE FAST CHANGING WORLD

 

Sponsorship Speech on House Bill 455

(An Act Strengthening

the University of the Philippines Charter)

February 18, 2003

 

The previous century was truly one of the most turbulent times in history, with man advancing radically in terms of science and technology, population and spheres of influence.  In national and regional politics: centuries-old monarchies crumbled, countries broke apart, colonies gained independence, disparate cultures came together through convenient continental unions, socialist governments fell not even a century after their ideological origins took shape.  In global politics: two unprecedented world wars raged; a cold war dragged for decades only to end in a flash; local conflicts were fought and suddenly staged beyond the areas of conflict, such as what September 11 showed us.  Globalization broke barriers in communications, trading and finance, and even personal relationships.  With such sweeping changes taking place, life has indeed never been the same.  How else can a man make sense of his fast- changing environment unless he also changes guided by his basic principles?  Inevitably, he has to incorporate adaptive mechanisms and changes in his life.  He must take a second look at his life, for – faster than he can realize it – situations may have already put him on a course different from where he started.  Similarly, institutions must also incorporate structural and relational changes to be relevant to the times, to search for dynamic ways of concretizing their visions/ missions.

 

The University of the Philippines is one of these institutions.  Established in 1908, it was inevitably a product of colonial design and therefore a means to perpetuate the American agenda.  But fast-forwarding to the lobbying for Independence and the First Quarter Storm, we see a national university that has already become a bastion, not only of academic freedom and academic excellence – as befits a university –but of nationalism in this country.  This achievement was all the more stark given the weakness of other institutions to defend themselves from oppressive forces such as an imperialist foreign force or a dictatorship.  UP provided a refuge for idealism, so that our nation was never completely vanquished by the error and abuses that have prevailed.

 

Through the years and on its own, UP has merited the title of national university, which every nation needs as every person needs a brain.  It extended its services to the hinterlands germinating constituent universities in far-flung provinces.  However, UP is still buttressed on a charter that its original colonial designers made for it.  No longer a project of American colonization, UP therefore needs to expunge the remaining vestiges of its colonial origins, to recognize the gains it has made in democratic participation over the years, and to underscore the principles which enable it to function effectively as the national autonomous university and as a university system of now seven constituent campuses.

 

The old charter, which speaks in the colonial language, needs to be reformed.  Not only will a new charter do away with the obsolete terms of “governor-general,” “insular government,” “Philippine legislature” and now-non-existing colleges and government agencies.  This new charter should strengthen UP as the national university, which is in keeping with the Constitutional role of the State to promote, foster, nurture and protect the right of all citizens to quality education.

 

While the old charter merely describes UP as a corporation with the purpose of providing advanced instruction, the new charter should highlight UP as indeed the national university obligated to provide leadership in higher education and national educational development.  The new charter should formalize UP’s role as setter of standards and innovations in pedagogy, as a graduate university training the faculties of other schools, as the premier research university, as a public service university, as a center of civic training, and as the country’s regional and global university.  All these roles have already been assumed by UP through its own initiatives as a community of scholars.

 

The formal reforms on the old charter are based on principles that the new charter now clearly spells out.  These are the principles of academic freedom; academic excellence, particularly in instruction, research, extension and public service; the principle of social responsibility; democratic access of the best minds of UP’s quality education; democratic participation of its constituent units in decision-making; and institutional autonomy.

 

The new charter recognizes that as a community of scholars, UP can govern itself.  And it must govern itself democratically.  Democratic participation in the governance of UP is assured by the new charter by ensuring loci of power on different levels: the Board of Regents, the President, administrators, and the University Councils.  The new charter also enhances democratic participation of all the university’s constituencies in UP’s governance by including in the Board of Regents a Staff Regent, representing a hitherto unrepresented but vital manpower sector in the University – the full-time research, extension and professional staff or REPS and administrative personnel chosen by their peers from their ranks.  They will have a voice in the governance of the UP along like the faculty, students and alumni.

 

Along with the provisions for democratic governance of UP is the all-important consideration for the University to maintain institutional autonomy.  The new charter is clear on this.  A new clause states:  “The University, taking into account national goals and priorities, shall exclusively determine its teaching, research and extension thrusts, plans, policies, priorities, programs and standards and, on the basis of such determination, the University shall recommend its annual budget to the President and Congress.”

 

But even as we speak of institutional autonomy, the new charter recognizes the University’s accountability to the Filipino people, being an organization that runs mainly on tax money.  It therefore allows for the people’s representation in UP governance through the Chairs of the House and Senate Committee on Education and persons appointed by the President of the Philippines to the Board of Regents.  It also formally establishes the relationship between the University and other bodies of the State, including Congress, constitutional commissions and other agencies, without compromising the very important consideration of autonomy.

 

These provisions are necessary for UP to continue on a path independent of the contingencies of variegated political agenda of contending interest groups, and for UP to be reliable intellectual resource, national conscience articulating the collective vision of nation and identity formation.  In the end, there is a need to put on paper its institutional autonomy so that it can contribute to be a bastion of intellectual freedom and excellence.

 

Furthermore, while the old charter already anticipated democratic access of all qualified applicants to the University by providing the “no student shall be denied admission to the university by reason of age, sex, nationality, religious belief, or political affiliation,” the new charter explicitly adds the “the University shall take affirmative steps to enhance the access of disadvantaged students to its programs and services.”

 

These are just some of the highlights of the new UP charter.

 

At the threshold of the 21st century, our national university more than ever deserves a charter for the dynamic role it has assumed through the years, one that will guide it as it faces the new challenges of this fast-changing world.  It needs a charter deserving of its activist tradition and nation-building role.  As a community of some of our country’s best minds, with a thirst for knowledge and a history of dynamic leadership in several fields of knowledge and endeavor, it cannot stand by a charter that has become a museum piece.